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For many years now, a
number of people in the financial arena have been alleging that
there is an active conspiracy to suppress the price of gold. Some
see it as a sinister backroom affair. Others claim that it’s
just the way the world works, and that it happens right out in the
open, if only you know where to look.
Among the latter is the
Gold Anti-Trust Action Committee (GATA), the source of much of the
material that has been written on the subject in recent years. In
order to get their take, we sent our own Doug Hornig to interview
Chris Powell, co-founder and secretary/treasurer of GATA.
Doug
Casey
International
Speculator
GATA’s
interest, Chris says, is in “public policy with regard to the
rigging—or ‘regulation,’ if you prefer to be polite—of the
currency markets, and specifically gold, by the central banks.
“And
we don’t have to speculate on what they’re doing, because
they’ve confessed in several ways. Of course, it’s not like
they’ve gone out of their way to let people know what they’re
up to. They don’t go around to the major news organizations and
ask them to understand it. But if you look reasonably carefully,
you can find these confessions in the public record in various
places.”
We
asked Chris to define specifically who they
are.
“The
central banks and their agents, the bullion banks,” he replied.
“The central banks include the ECB [European Central Bank], as
well as those of virtually all the European countries, including
Britain, along with the Federal Reserve and Treasury Department in
this country. Any of the big Western holders of gold. All of whom
communicate directly with each other and also through the BIS, the
Bank for International Settlements [the subject of an
article—‘The Most Powerful Bank You’ve Never Heard
Of’—in the March 7, 2006 issue of What
We Now Know].”
The
world of international money movement can sometimes be confusing,
even for those of us who follow it on a regular basis, so we
wondered if the central banks are bullion banks, as well. Chris
notes that they can be, but the definition is broader than that.
“A
bullion bank is any investment house that deals in the gold
market, buys or sells, borrows or lends gold. It need not be a
‘bank’ per se. It could be a big brokerage house like Goldman
Sachs.”
That
addressed who might be
manipulating the market. But it raised more questions than it
answered: What are they doing? How
are they doing it? And why
do they bother? Chris took the first one first.
“There’s
a general currency market regulation scheme among the central
banks, coordinated to some extent by the BIS, in which all the
central banks are represented. They’ve pretty much acknowledged
this.
“I
first got onto this around 1998, when I began reading the writings
of Bill Murphy [a futures trader and the co-founder of GATA]. He
was ranting about what he saw as collusion to restrain the gold
and silver price, which always seemed to involve the same
suspects, Goldman Sachs and Morgan Chase and Citibank and
institutions like that. After he went on like this for a few
months, I emailed him saying there seemed to be a lot of
circumstantial evidence supporting what he was saying, but if what
he was saying was true, it would be against U.S. anti-trust law,
against the Sherman Act and the Clayton Act and various others.
“Those
laws prohibit any collusion to interfere with the free market
price of any good. Which is exactly what the banks are doing with
regard to gold.”
Chris
and Bill created GATA in order to try to raise public awareness of
what was happening and, if they could, to prod government
regulators into doing something about it. A tough job, considering
that a major government agency, the Treasury Department, was up to
its eyeballs in the whole thing.
As
the two men got to work, and began posting on the Internet, others
who had been looking into the matter surfaced and contributed
their own research and evidence to GATA.
“It’s
embarrassing to admit,” Chris says, “that it took us a few
years to figure out that the bullion banks are just fronting for
the central banks, providing cover for them in the gold market.
What we were complaining about was indeed happening, but it
wasn’t an ordinary anti-trust violation, it was simply the cover
being lent by nominally private entities to international central
bank and treasury department policies.” That is, the central
banks decide what they wish the gold price to be, the bullion
banks carry out those wishes.
GATA
believes that the cover under which central banks have been acting
has now been blown so totally that only the willfully ignorant can
fail to see it. And they point to the public record to bolster
their claim.
For
instance, there were a few key words uttered by former Fed
Chairman Alan Greenspan when he appeared before Congress in July
of 1998. Greenspan was testifying as to why the Commodity Futures
Trading Commission (CFTC) should not concern itself with
regulation of derivatives traded in the over-the-counter market.
Greenspan
argued that, “There is no reason to believe either equity swaps
or credit derivatives can influence the price of the underlying
assets any more than conventional securities trading does.”
One
might think the chairman guilty of a surprising naïveté, or
perhaps something a bit more sinister, but that’s a topic for
another day. The relevance here is that gold, in addition to being
a fundamental currency, is also a commodity, and as such the CFTC
is responsible for oversight of its market.
Greenspan
waved off the necessity for the CFTC to regulate gold derivatives,
telling Congress to fear not, that the “central banks stand
ready to lease gold in increasing quantities should the price
rise.”
Oops.
Bet he wishes he hadn’t let that slip. As Chris points out,
“Greenspan was telling Congress that the purpose of gold leasing
was not what the central banks had been telling the world—to
earn a little money on a dead asset. The real purpose of gold
leasing was to suppress the gold price. His remarks are still
posted on the Federal Reserve’s Internet site.” [they are—we
checked]
Other
confirmations of the central bank price rigging scheme include a
rather blatant admission from William R. White, head of the
Monetary and Economic Department of the BIS. In late June of 2005,
White delivered the opening remarks to the Fourth Annual BIS
Conference on the “Past and Future of Central Bank
Cooperation,” an elite gathering of “central bankers and
academics.” Among the latter were “economists and economic
historians,” as well as, for the first time, “political
scientists interested in political and other processes, and the
development of institutions to support such processes.”
White’s
speech enumerated five “intermediate objectives of central bank
cooperation.” The fifth, and last, of these was “the provision
of international credits and joint efforts to influence asset
prices (especially gold and foreign exchange) in
circumstances where this might be thought useful.” [emphasis
added]
Useful
to whom? Well, probably not to the average investor.
Then
there is the Washington Agreement—signed in September of 1999 by
representatives of the ECB and the central banks of Austria,
Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and
England—which spelled out how the banks would cooperate in the
regulation of the gold market. (The U.S., while not a signatory,
hosted the announcement of the agreement, and may be assumed to be
supportive of it, if not a direct participant.) It placed a limit
on how much they could collectively sell in any given year.
The
alleged reason for the Washington Agreement was to control the
amount of gold being sold by central banks, in order to keep the
price high and protect the value of those banks’ holdings. That
makes sense. It would, additionally, serve as a self-checking
mechanism for the signatories, should any of them be tempted to
sell off too much of their reserves.
But
Chris isn’t buying.
“I
think the reasons they gave were very disingenuous,” he says,
“and in fact the opposite of what they were in there for. They
said they were going to regulate the gold market by coordinating
their sales and leasing in order to support the price. I would
argue that they were in there to control the price and see that it
didn’t get out of hand, and to protect their agents, the bullion
banks, and the short positions the bullion banks had undertaken in
gold at the behest of the central banks.”
In
other words, to keep the gold price lower than it should be.
Chris
sees the agreement as a smokescreen, a way of deceiving all but
the insiders as to what’s actually going on. It allows the
central banks to say that they’re taking the initiative to limit
gold sales, which is true of physical gold. But while they do that
with one hand, with the other they ramp up the action in the
derivatives markets—forward sales, options, swaps and
shorts—thereby maintaining the artificially low price of gold.
That
argument is bolstered by BIS statistics showing that gold
derivative transactions ballooned from $234 to $354 billion, an
all-time high, in the first six months of 2006. Conversely,
though, it has been a very uneven progression. For all of 2005,
derivatives activity actually fell. So a firm conclusion is
difficult to draw.
Nevertheless,
the argument that the central banks have worked hard to suppress
gold has merit. To understand why the banks would do that, rather
than acting in what on the surface would appear to be their own
best interests, one has to understand what was going on behind the
scenes during gold’s long bear market.
Chris
explains: “I’m convinced that the gold price suppression
scheme wasn’t really aimed at gold itself. Gold was the tail on
the dog. It was aimed at boosting the government bond market,
keeping interest rates down and making the dollar look strong.”
In
order to accomplish that, the central banks had to give bullion
banks some incentive to cooperate. Which they did.
“By
the bullion banks shorting gold,” Chris says, “they deceived
the world about the level of inflation and money supply growth,
and basically they shorted gold to buy U.S. government bonds and
collect the difference. If you’ve been assured that the gold
price is going down, you short the metal and use the proceeds to
buy government bonds. You’re getting 5% on government bonds and
the gold price is going down 5% a year, enabling you to close the
short profitably, so you have a risk-free trade. You’re getting
10%, as long as the central banks are willing to back you with
more gold sales to keep the gold price going down. And I think
everybody was happy with that. Financial houses, recruited as the
banks’ agents, were happy with their easy profits. The Treasury
Department was happy because it boosted bond prices and kept
interest rates down. And the whole world was deceived about the
vast growth that was going on in the money supply. It worked for a
while. Until they started worrying that they were running out of
gold reserves.”
Are
they? we asked.
“That’s
the zillion-dollar question,” Chris says. “The trouble is,
Fort Knox hasn’t been audited since the Eisenhower
Administration. Now, the central banks claim to have more than
thirty thousand tons of gold in their vaults, but our research has
found a lot of double counting, and in fact the IMF issued its own
paper some months ago admitting that its rules were allowing the
double counting of gold by member banks.”
By
double counting, we assumed he meant that they’re counting both
physical and leased gold. That’s correct, he says, and jokes
that “the actual disposition of Western central bank gold
reserves is a more closely guarded secret than the plans for the
construction of nuclear weapons, which are posted on the Internet
today. You’ll never find out exactly where all the gold is and
who really owns it.”
The
question of ownership is an important one, and it really muddies
the waters. Who owns what, and where, is complicated by the use of
gold swaps. We asked Chris to explain what a gold swap is.
“Basically
an exchange. Say the Bundesbank and the U.S. Treasury Department
get on the phone and Treasury says to the Bundesbank, ‘hey, the
gold price is getting a little high, we’d like to sell twenty
tons over the next month to tamp it down, or at least lease twenty
tons, could you do it from over there to keep our fingerprints off
it?’ In return, they say, ‘we’ll give you title to twenty
tons in the depository at West Point.’ The Bundesbank says,
‘no problem.’ They dispose of twenty tons in Europe through
the London Bullion Market Association, and they get a note from
the Treasury Department saying ‘ok, you now have title to these
bars in the vault at West Point.’ And hopefully for the sake of
the Bundesbank, they’re numbered bars and they can come visit
them every once in a while.”
We
had to say that it all sounded very convoluted. It must be
difficult to coordinate.
"Not
really," Chris says. "The central banks are constantly
talking to each other and they're all members of the BIS, which
compiles extensive data on gold reserves, as well as derivatives
and leasing.
“They
need to talk, because
they have to know whose gold is going out into the futures pit
today. And most Western central bank gold, or a lot of it anyway,
is held in trust by the U.S., whether it’s in Fort Knox or the
basement of the Treasury Building in New York, or in the vault up
in West Point.
“The
West Point gold, by the way, was quietly reclassified a couple of
years ago from ‘gold bullion reserve’ to ‘custodial gold
bullion.’ No reason given by the Mint, no indication of who we
were acting as custodian for. Then in July of 2001, the Mint
redesignated 94% of the U.S. gold reserve as ‘deep storage.’
Go figure.”
Thinking
about all this, it seems to us that the Treasury Department, the
Fed, and the European central banks were engaging in some mighty
risky behavior. Chris agrees and says that, in fact, the house of
cards almost came tumbling down when gold spiked in late 1999, in
the aftermath of the Washington Agreement, and created a short
squeeze.
With
the Long Term Capital Management meltdown fresh in people’s
memories (it had happened only a year earlier), the central banks
feared that the gold squeeze could be even worse, taking down
several major trading houses and possibly setting a whole row of
dominoes falling.
In
the words of former World Bank consultant Frank Veneroso, it was
“an explosive gold derivatives crisis” and “the official
sector intervened to prevent [it].”
The
intervention worked. Gold retreated back under $300 and stayed
there for two years. Traders were able to unwind their short
positions without massive losses. Since then, of course, steadily
rising demand has driven the gold price ever higher. Ongoing
market rigging has been unable to suppress it, but has served to
prevent the metal from finding its true equilibrium point, in
Chris’ opinion. He believes that a day of reckoning will come.
And what will that look like?
“Well,
I don’t want to make any hard predictions about what will
happen, or when,” he says. “But what I think is that we’re
going to wake up someday and find out that the Western central
banks have met—along with, maybe, some of the Asian central
banks—and there are going to be new currency arrangements. Maybe
in the name of helping the poor countries, the central banks are
going to be buying gold at $1,500 an ounce or something like that.
It’ll probably happen overnight, because I don’t think the
central banks can withstand a steady escape from the paper
currencies into the monetary metals. If they do it overnight,
everybody’s locked into the fiat system, there’s no getting
out. Either you’ve got your gold and silver or you don’t, and
there’s no incentive to get out of the whole central bank
system.”
That
sounded to us like a sudden and massive devaluation of the buck.
“Yeah,”
Chris says, “I tend to expect that. In fact, that’s what the
whole Plaza Agreement was about, back in the ‘80s under Reagan.
It was a devaluation of the dollar. They don’t tell you these
things are going to happen, they tell you they’ve already
happened.”
Since
up to that point, we’d been talking about the central banks and
the executive branch of the federal government, we asked if
Congress knows about all this, too.
“The
leadership in Congress does,” Chris says. “We told them. A
friend of a friend got GATA a private meeting with Dennis Hastert,
speaker of the House. The GATA delegation met with Speaker Hastert
in his office at the Capitol on May 10, 2000 and we laid it all
out for him. Also for Spencer
Bachus, the Alabama Congressman who chaired the subcommittee with
jurisdiction over gold and silver. Not that we really needed to. A
couple of months later, I was able to deduce that we’d been
given that meeting not because the speaker wanted to hear what we
had to say, but rather wanted to know how much of this was leaking
out, how much was known, how much of the whole thing was
compromised. I can’t explain exactly how I know that, because it
would put my source at risk, but trust me, I do.
“Look,
right now the Comptroller General of the U.S. is going around
saying that we’re bankrupt and we’ve got to do something about
it immediately. So everyone in government knows what’s
happening. As I said earlier, my request to the world is not to
look at GATA as some conspiracy nuts. We just want to point out
the public record and ask people to pursue it and draw their
conclusions. We’re not issuing wild charges or anything. We’re
just trying to call attention to the admissions that have been
made. And to get people to look at those admissions in a new
light. Or in any light at all, as far as I’m concerned.”
Forewarned
is forearmed. In Chris’ words, either you’ve got your gold and
silver or you don’t.
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