|
Introduction
In
late November, 2007, the Commerce Department’s Bureau of
Economic Analysis (BEA) announced the United States had achieved
a third quarter real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) gain of 4.9
percent. The price index for gross domestic purchases, which
(theoretically) measures prices paid by U.S. residents,
increased 1.6 percent in the third quarter.
At
approximately the same time, the Department of Labor’s Bureau
of Labor Statistics (BLS) reported the Consumer Price Index
(CPI-U) increased by 2.36 percent from Q3 2006 to Q3 2007
(calculated using actual BLS data, not seasonally adjusted).
These
numbers appear to be overly optimistic. With an accelerating
rate of inflation and declining economic activity, how could the
economy of the United States manage to achieve a high growth,
low inflation, performance?
In
this essay, we examine how the CPI is calculated. In a following
essay, we will look at the computation of GDP.
Why
Should We Care About The CPI?
Because
it has a key role in determining
and measuring America’s economic performance:
-
Approximately
30 percent of Federal spending is tied to movements in the
CPI.
-
The interest
rates paid by Treasury Inflation Protected Securities (TIPS)
are tied to movements in the Consumer Price Index.
-
Thousands of
civilian contract obligations are tied to the CPI, and
-
Deducting the
rate of inflation from current dollar GDP is a way to
measure “Real” GDP.
For
individual consumers, the CPI is especially important:
-
If you are
getting Social Security (or expect to be on SS in the near
future), the amount you receive each month is tied to the
CPI.
-
If you are
getting Supplemental Security Income (SSI), a veterans
pension, or military retirement, your benefit is tied to the
CPI.
-
If you are
getting an inflation adjusted civilian pension, the size of
your check is probably tied to the CPI.
-
If you are
working under a labor contract that includes a CPI
adjustment clause, the size of your pay check is tied to the
CPI.
-
Tax receipts,
including individual income tax brackets, personal
exemptions, and the standard deduction are tied to movements
in the CPI.
And
the biggest reason of all.
If
the BLS is deliberately underestimating the rate of inflation,
you are receiving a smaller paycheck
than you would get
if the CPI were calculated using a balanced methodology.
Now
the truth. A reality check. It is in the selfish-best-interest
of the federal government to keep the CPI calculation as low as
possible. Doing so saves the government money.
Deception?
One
would think the methodology used by the BLS to calculate the CPI
would be an important issue in the upcoming elections for Social
Security recipients, veterans, pensioners, and anyone working
under a CPI adjusted contract. In addition, it should be a hot
topic for millions of “Baby Boomers” who will have to decide
when to take Social Security during the next administration’s
term of office. Since most of these people depend on their
benefits check to pay for essential items such as food,
clothing, shelter and transportation, one would think they would
be very sensitive to the amount they receive each month. To
them, the CPI represents a measure of what is costs them to pay
their bills. But there is a problem:
If
we examine how the CPI is calculated,
we find multiple examples
of questionable data manipulation
and institutional deception entrenched in public policy.
First
of all, although the CPI is called
a consumer price index, it is NOT a price index. To quote the
BLS: “… the CPI focuses on approximating a cost-of-living
index not a general price index.” Although originally
introduced in 1978 to measure price changes, the CPI was changed
to a “buying habits” index during the Clinton
Administration. It no longer measures price change. It is not
even a good measure of the cost of living.
And
this raises a question: if the CPI is not a price index,
then why is it called a price index?
Isn’t this a bit deceiving?
Media
references to the CPI frequently refer to it as a way to measure
price change over time. It is widely referenced in discussions
about the cost of living. Yet both references are incorrect.
So.
What does the CPI measure? The key words are “buying habits”
and the introduction of this concept has a long history.
Before
the Clinton Administration, the American Consumer Price Index
actually tried to measure the prices consumers paid for an
identical “basket” of goods each month. If steak cost $1.25
last year, and then went up in price to $1.30 this year, the
annual rate of inflation for a pound of steak was calculated at
4 percent. If the average consumer price for a refrigerator was
$300 in the first quarter of last year, and went up in price to
$325 during the first quarter of this year, the rate of
inflation for that refrigerator from Q1 last year to Q1 this
year was calculated at 8 percent. And so on, for a long list of
items. Price points for each period were determined by
conducting a survey of retail industry outlets and associations.
The change in total cost from period to period determined the
rate of inflation for maintaining a constant standard of living.
During
the first Bush Republican Administration, Chief economist
Michael Boskin and Federal Reserve chair Alan Greenspan lobbied
for a change in this methodology. They believed that when
consumers could no longer afford a particular item, they would
purchase a cheaper substitute. If steak, for example, became
unaffordable, the consumer would switch to hamburger. If cars
with V8 engines became too expensive, the consumer could
purchase a car with a smaller engine. And so on.
The
CPI, they argued, should reflect actual purchase decisions,
rather than a fixed basket of goods that would gradually become
irrelevant as consumers continued to substitute cheaper products
for those on a fixed list of goods. In effect, they wanted the
BLS to find ways to decrease the reported rate of inflation by
tracking consumer buying habits as they struggled to find
cheaper goods and services.
They
got their wish. During the Clinton administration the BLS
initiated a long and complex process to measure the rate of
inflation based on “value” rather than “price”. It works
this way. If the BLS believes the value of an item has increased
from one period to the next, it decreases the item’s new price
point by the value of the improvement. Thus if the car you buy
this year has more features than the one you could have
purchased last year, the price point is deflated to account for
the added value of the new features. If this year’s health
care is presumed to be superior to last year’s available
health care, the added value is deducted from the CPI health
care price point. Since this year’s personal computer has more
power and features than last year’s PC, the added “value”
is deducted from its new price point. And so on. Product after
product. The adjusted cost of an item, as measured by the CPI,
may go down even though the actual cash you pay for the item is
going up. The technical term for this highly subjective data
manipulation is called hedonic regression. It guarantees the
actual cash you pay for goods and services is more than the
phony price the federal government claims you paid for these
goods and services.
The
BLS further manipulates price data by tracking consumer
substitution. Thus, if we can no longer afford steak, we
purchase a cheaper pound of meat. If we can no longer afford to
buy a mid-sized car, we purchase a smaller vehicle. If the price
of cereals, eggs, poultry, and milk become unaffordable, the
consumer is expected to substitute cheaper foods. By this
process, the BLS uses a heavily manipulated CPI to track the
prices consumers pay for the goods and services they actually
buy. It does not, however, provide comparative pricing.
To
quote the BLS:
“Method
evaluation. …. Before 1999, CPI used only Laspeyres indices,
measures of the price changes in a fixed market basket of
consumption goods and services of constant quantity and quality
bought on average by urban consumers, … . The Laspeyres index,
however, systematically overstates inflation because it does not
take into account changes in the quantities consumed that may
occur as a response to price changes. ….
Chained
CPI for All Urban Consumers (C-CPI-U). This index applies to the
same target population as the CPI-U. The same raw data are used,
but a different formula is employed to calculate average prices.
The chained CPI was developed to overcome a shortcoming of the
CPI-U series, which does not account for the changes that people
make in the composition of goods that they purchase over time,
often in response to price changes. The alternative method of
the C-CPI-U is intended to capture consumers' behavior as they
respond to relative price changes.”
The
BLS CPI is no longer a relevant measure of what it costs
to maintain a standard of living, dollar for dollar, period to
period.
Rather, it has become a way to measure the cost of human
survival.
There
are (at least) three fundamental philosophical problems with the
BLS methodology:
One:
Taken to its logical conclusion, the BLS assumes consumers will
continue to make quantity and product substitutions until they
no longer have any options. One presumes this means hamburger
will be substituted for steak, dog meat will be substituted for
hamburger, a diet of grass will be substituted for dog meat, and
starvation will be substituted for eating.
It’s
all very logical. Very sophisticated. And very theoretical.
But
is it moral? This methodology ignores a key reason for measuring
CPI in the first place – what does it cost the consumer to
maintain a fixed level of
well being? Or, to put it another way:
|
this
methodology completely ignores a consumer’s quality of
life |
Two:
Hedonic regression breeds phony money analysis. Economic worth
becomes a complex game of pedantic simulation. The connection
between simulated worth and actual cash value must inevitably
become increasingly obscure. For consumers, hedonic regression
means the aggregate rate of inflation will always be less than
the actual prices buyers are charged for goods and services.
Is
this institutionalized deception?
Three:
For consumers, chained dollar values are meaningless economic
drivel. Today’s consumers spend today’s dollars and pay
today’s prices. Try buying a loaf of bread with chained
“inflation adjusted” dollars. Or a refrigerator. A pair of
shoes. A gallon of gasoline. It can not be done. For the
consumer, “real” value is cash in hand. A pay check. Charges
on a credit or debit card. We need to know how much stuff our
cash will buy.
Isn’t
it time the CPI became a bona fide Consumer Price Index?
Or perhaps the BLS should change the name.
Call it the Consumer
Moribund Lifestyle Until Absolute Poverty Index.
Inflation
Factoids
Medical
Costs
Employee
medical care costs were up over 5 percent in 2006 and over 10
percent in 2007. Individual health care coverage can cost $400
to $700 per month, and family coverage can cost $800 to $1,500
per month. The cost of health care has risen far faster than the
published rate of inflation for the last 10 years. Rapidly
rising and very expensive health care receives constant media
attention.
Yet.
The BLS claims these costs are up less than 5 percent.
Should
we re-examine how health care inflation is calculated?
Food
Prices
It
would sure be nice to know where the BLS does its food shopping.
They must get one heck of a discount. There appears to be a
total disconnect between the food costs claimed by the BLS
versus what consumers are really paying for food. From September
2006 through September 2007, commodity prices for corn went up
~43%, soybeans went up ~46%, wheat went up ~62%, milk went up
~64%, oats went up ~12%, and so on. But the BLS claims food and
beverage prices only went up 4.4% during this same timeframe.
Huh?
Does the BLS data make any sense? How long does it take for
higher commodity prices to work their way through the food
chain?
Look
at the following food price inflation analysis. We do not, of
course, have access to the raw data used by the BLS in computing
food costs. But we can develop our own from industry reports and
supermarket data. The “BLS” column shows the food inflation
data reported by the BLS. The “TCE” column shows my results.
Data is for September, 2007 versus September, 2006. Unadjusted
indexes. BLS data is weighted by item. TCE data is weighted by
volume and then cumulated.
|
Consumer
Purchased Food Inflation
|
BLS
|
TCE
|
|
|
|
|
|
Food
and beverages
|
4.4%
|
11.0%
|
|
Food
|
4.5%
|
12.0%
|
|
Food
at home
|
4.7%
|
12.7%
|
|
Cereals
and bakery products
|
4.6%
|
25.0%
|
|
Meats,
poultry, fish, and eggs
|
5.5%
|
10.3%
|
|
Dairy
and related products
|
13.1%
|
15.0%
|
|
Fruits
and vegetables
|
0.3%
|
11.7%
|
|
Nonalcoholic
beverages
|
5.1%
|
6.0%
|
|
Other
food at home
|
2.6%
|
11.0%
|
|
Food
away from home
|
4.1%
|
5.5%
|
|
Alcoholic
beverages
|
3.5%
|
3.9%
|
|
|
|
|
The
BLS claims food prices increased by 4.4% during this period.
Fudging as best I could to reduce
my estimates, it would appear consumer cash outlays for food
actually increased by at least 11%.
Should
we challenge the BLS CPI data?
It
would appear real world food prices accelerated at a rate that
is (at least) 2.5 times faster than the rate of inflation
reported by the BLS.
WHY?
Fuel
Prices
The
BLS reported motor fuel prices went up 8.6% from September 2006
to September 2007. Household energy prices (natural gas, fuel
oil, propane, electricity, etc.) went up 1.8% during this same
timeframe. How can this be true? According to the Energy
Information Administration (EIA), oil prices went up 10.7%,
propane went up 5.5%, gasoline went up 9.2%, diesel fuel went up
6.1%, heating oil went up 10.4%, natural gas went up .2%, and
electricity went up 1% during this period. Although the BLS
motor fuel price increases appear reasonable, average home
fuel costs actually went up ~ 3.3%, not 1.8%.
Should
we challenge the BLS CPI data?
Weighting
The
BLS weights consumer spending by category. Price increases are
calculated by category and then multiplied by this weighting to
determine the CPI. The following Table shows the importance of
these weights (Price Indexes: Percent of all items, CPI-U, U.S.
city average, December 2006 Base). The challenge, of course, is
that these weights must change from period to period if they are
to properly reflect how consumers are actually spending their
money. Based on a careful analysis of BLS data tables, my
estimates for Q3 2007 are shown in the TCE column.
|
|
BLS
CPI-U
Index |
TCE
Adjusted
Index |
Difference
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Food
and beverages
|
14.99
|
16.30
|
8.7%
|
|
Housing
|
42.69
|
41.80
|
-
2.1%
|
|
Apparel
|
3.73
|
3.34
|
-
10.5%
|
|
Transportation
|
17.25
|
18.40
|
6.7%
|
|
Medical
Care
|
6.28
|
6.16
|
-
1.9%
|
|
Recreation
|
5.55
|
4.86
|
-
12.4%
|
|
Education
and Communication
|
6.03
|
5.80
|
-
3.8%
|
|
Other
Goods and Services
|
3.48
|
3.34
|
-
4.0%
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
100
|
100
|
|
The
importance of this chart is not our disagreement with the BLS
weighting (although that discrepancy should be resolved). The
“real” importance is the projected changes in consumer
spending. For several months pundits have been asking if higher
food and fuel prices will force the consumer to spend less on
housing, apparel, medical care, recreation, and so on. As shown
by this chart, the answer is yes. Either consumers shift their budgeted spending to
food and fuel, or go into debt to sustain an existing lifestyle.
If they chose to accumulate more debt, most of it will
accumulate on their credit cards.
By
the way, creditcard.com reports two out of three Americans say
they'll cut back on spending for other things as a result of
higher energy costs in 2008, with nearly a quarter saying
they'll cut back significantly on other spending.
If
consumers chose to borrow against their credit cards in order to
sustain existing spending patterns plus the added costs of food
and fuel, it would appear uncollectible credit card debt could
exceed 2% of consumer spending.
Compounding
The
price deviation of the CPI from the prices consumers actually
pay for goods and services compounds year by year. In order to
make an estimate of the effect compounding has on the CPI, we
can compare a sample of prices from 2000 (the last year of the
Clinton administration) versus the prices consumers paid in
2007. We use Q3 data, the latest available for 2007.
The
data in this Table shows that only one item increased in price
at a rate that is below the BLS index. The rate of inflation for
most of these items is substantially higher than the index.
Does
this mean the CPI understates the rate of inflation? Did the BLS
food index for Q3 2007 versus Q3 2000 understate the rate of
inflation by 56%? Did
the BLS total price index for Q3 2007 versus Q3 2000 understate
the rate of inflation by
46%?
|
|
Q3
2000
|
Q3
2007
|
Increase
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Honda
Civic Coup
|
$12,680
|
$14,810
|
16.8%
|
|
Entry
level home
|
$169,000
|
$274,000
|
62.1%
|
|
Gallon
of gasoline
|
$1.56
|
$2.78
|
78.2%
|
|
White
bread – loaf
|
$1.03
|
$2.39
|
132.0%
|
|
Bananas
|
$
.49
|
$
.63
|
28.6%
|
|
Ground
beef
|
$1.54
|
$2.49
|
61.7%
|
|
Coffee
|
$3.03
|
$4.39
|
44.9%
|
|
Eggs
– large
|
$1.01
|
$2.89
|
186.1%
|
|
Milk
- Qt.
|
$
.82
|
$1.49
|
81.7%
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
BLS
CPI
|
172.2
|
208.2
|
21%
|
|
BLS
Food Index
|
505.8
|
613.1
|
21%
|
So
OK. There is no weighting to this comparison, the sample is much
too small to be representative of the whole, and the car you buy
today is superior to the iron we could purchase in 2000. But to
a consumer, a banana is a
banana. These are real world prices, and our purchases must
be made in current, unadjusted dollars. If the index doesn’t
mirror these prices, then it is NOT a price index.
If
the CPI is understated, compounding also reduces your wage or
benefit check. Let’s assume you get a check every month for
$1,000 in year one. Then for the next 9 years, you get a CPI
linked increase of 3%. Your total benefits of wages over this 10
year period would be $137,566.55. Now suppose the CPI should
have been 4% each year. Your benefits or wages would be
$144,073.29. If the CPI has been underestimated by 1 percent
each year, you lost $6,506.74 in benefits or wages.
How
the CPI is calculated does make a big difference in the size of
your paycheck.
And
the economic viability of the Social Security “trust” fund.
Alternative
Calculation of CPI
If
we use the weighting and data points from the above factoids to
calculate an alternative estimate of CPI, we get a very
different picture of American inflation from Q3 2006 to Q3 2007.
There is a dramatic increase in food and housing costs. Note I
accumulate my index calculations.
Granted.
Accuracy would require the acquisition and analysis of a lot
more data than assembled for this effort. But the large
discrepancy suggests something is wrong with either the survey
methodology or the process of analysis.
Whereas
the BLS reported a CPI increase of 2.36% for this period,
the actual rate of inflation was more like 4.02%.
|
Alternative
Computation of CPI |
%
CPI Increase
Q3
2006 to Q3 2007
|
Relative
Weight
|
Net
Rate of Inflation
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Food
and beverages
|
11.0%
|
16.30%
|
1.79%
|
|
Housing
|
3.0%
|
41.80%
|
1.26%
|
|
Apparel
|
-2.0%
|
3.34%
|
-
.07%
|
|
Transportation
|
2.4%
|
18.40%
|
.45%
|
|
Medical
care
|
4.5%
|
6.16%
|
.28%
|
|
Recreation
|
1.4%
|
4.86%
|
.07%
|
|
Education
and Communication
|
2.3%
|
5.80%
|
.13%
|
|
Other
Goods and Services
|
3.3%
|
3.34%
|
.11%
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Alternative
Rate of Inflation
|
|
|
4.02%
|
Blame
We
can not blame the BLS for understating the CPI. These people are
just doing what they were told to do, and they are doing their
job with great enthusiasm.
But
this begs a question:
Who
is responsible for determining the objectives
of the CPI calculation methodology?
Congress.
Bill Clinton. George Bush. You know. Our elected
officials.
Since
the current policy and methodology was established during Bill
Clinton’s term in office, it is perfectly logical to ask
Hillary (who also wants to be President) what steps she is
willing to take to ensure the CPI mirrors the actual rate of
inflation. As discussed below, this is a simple management
problem. A United States Senator, Hillary Clinton already has
the necessary procedural power.
Hillary
merely needs to demonstrate she has the leadership skills to
make it happen.
Two
Recommendations
In
the spirit of being constructive, I offer the following
recommendations.
It
is time to step back from the minutiae to consider the
objectives of public policy. Let us ask our political leaders (including
our candidates for President) what they want to accomplish
when the Federal Government reports the Consumer Price Index.
-
Do we want
the CPI to actually track the rate of inflation?
-
Should it
measure the rate of inflation based on what consumers
actually pay for goods and services?
-
Do we want a
fair and balanced calculation methodology?
-
Is consumer
well-being an important consideration in calculating the
rate of inflation?
-
Should the
BLS incorporate a consumer’s quality of life in its CPI
calculations?
Once
there is a consensus on these objectives, then the Government
Accountability Office should be asked to review the BLS CPI
methodology for compliance and procedure. The results will tell
us what needs to be done to ensure American wage earners and
beneficiaries are being treated fairly.
Make
sense?
2.
If the BLS wants to use value pricing in its calculation of the
rate of inflation, then let us view this price change from the
consumer’s viewpoint. We can do that by tabulating data
against cost-of-ownership and cost of acquisition pricing. For
vehicles, the cost-of-ownership can be compared, period to
period, on a cost per mile basis. For homes or rentals, the
price can be tracked on a cost per square foot basis.
Non-durable goods and services can be tracked on a cost of
acquisition basis.
This
methodology provides a basis for comparison that can be
expressed in terms of actual dollars spent.
And
that has meaning for the consumer.
Conclusion
The
BLS November 2007 Consumer Price Index (unadjusted)for All Urban
Consumers (CPI-U) was 4.3 percent higher than in November 2006.
In my opinion, the actual number is closer to 6 percent.
Although the BLS index for energy looks more realistic with a 12
month increase of 21.4, the food index is still much too low.
One
can challenge my methodology. But it should be obvious to any
reasonable person: we have a management problem. One our
political establishment needs to address. The objectives and
methodology of the Federal Government’s Consumer Price Index
need a thorough review.
©
2007 Ronald R. Cooke
The Cultural Economist
Author,
"Oil, Jihad & Destiny" and "Detensive Nation"
Editorial Archive
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