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CHOKEPOINT!
The Geopolitical
Stakes of the Saffron Revolution
by F. William
Engdahl
October 15, 2007
There are facts and then there are facts. Take the case of the recent
mass protests in Burma or Myanmar depending on which name you prefer to
call the former British colony.
First
it’s a fact which few will argue that the present military
dictatorship of the reclusive General Than Shwe is right up there when
it comes to world-class tyrannies. It’s also a fact that Burma enjoys
one of the world’s lowest general living standards. Partly as a result
of the ill-conceived 100% to 500% price hikes in gasoline and other
fuels in August, inflation, the nominal trigger for the mass protests
led by Saffron-robed Buddhist monks, is unofficially estimated to have
risen by 35%. Ironically the demand to establish “market” energy
prices came from the IMF and World Bank.
The
UN estimates the population of some 50 million inhabitants spends up to
70% of their monthly income on food alone. The recent fuel price hike
makes matters unbearable for tens of millions.
Myanmar
is also deeply involved in the world narcotics trade, ranking only
behind Hamid Karzai’s Afghanistan as a source for heroin. As well, it
is said to be Southeast Asia’s largest producer of methamphetamines.
This
is all understandable powder to unleash a social explosion of protest
against the regime.
It is
also a fact that the Myanmar military junta is on the Hit List of Condi
Rice and the Bush Administration for its repressive ways. Has the Bush
leopard suddenly changed his spots? Or is there a more opaque agenda
behind Washington’s calls to impose severe economic and political
sanctions on the regime? Here some not-so-publicized facts help.
Behind
the recent CNN news pictures of streams of saffron-robed Buddhist Monks
marching in the streets of the former capital city Rangoon (Yangon) in
Myanmar—the US government still prefers to call it by the British
colonial name, Burma—calling for more democracy, is a battle of major
geopolitical consequence.
The
major actors
The
tragedy of Burma, whose land area is about the size of George W.
Bush’s Texas, is that its population is being used as a human stage
prop in a drama which has been scripted in Washington by the National
Endowment for Democracy (NED), the George Soros Open Society Institute,
Freedom House and Gene Sharp’s Albert Einstein Institution, a US
intelligence asset used to spark “non-violent” regime change around
the world on behalf of the US strategic agenda.
Burma’s
“Saffron Revolution,” like the Ukraine “Orange Revolution” or
the Georgia “Rose Revolution” and the various Color Revolutions
instigated in recent years against strategic states surrounding Russia,
is a well-orchestrated exercise in Washington-run regime change, down to
the details of “hit-and-run” protests with “swarming” mobs of
Buddhists in saffron, internet blogs, mobile SMS links between protest
groups, well-organized protest cells which disperse and reform. CNN made
the blunder during a September broadcast of mentioning the active
presence of the NED behind the protests in Myanmar.
In
fact the US State Department admits to supporting the activities of the
NED in Myanmar. The NED is a US Government-funded “private” entity
whose activities are designed to support US foreign policy objectives,
doing today what the CIA did during the Cold War. As well the NED funds
Soros’ Open Society Institute in fostering regime change in Myanmar.
In an October 30 2003 Press Release the State Department admitted,
“The United States also supports organizations such as the National
Endowment for Democracy, the Open Society Institute and Internews,
working inside and outside the region on a broad range of democracy
promotion activities.” It all sounds very self-effacing and noble of
the State Department. Is it though?
In
reality the US State Department has recruited and trained key opposition
leaders from numerous anti-government organizations. It has poured the
relatively huge sum (for Myanmar) of more than $2.5 million annually
into NED activities in promoting regime change in Myanmar since at least
2003. The US regime change, its Saffron Revolution, is being largely run
according to informed reports, out of the US Consulate General in
bordering Chaing Mai, Thailand. There activists are recruited and
trained, in some cases directly in the USA, before being sent back to
organize inside Myanmar. The USA’s NED admits to funding key
opposition media including the New
Era Journal, Irrawaddy and
the Democratic Voice of Burma
radio.
The
concert-master of the tactics of Saffron monk-led non-violence regime
change is Gene Sharp, founder of the deceptively-named Albert Einstein
Institution in Cambridge Massachusetts, a group funded by an arm of the
NED to foster US-friendly regime change in key spots around the world.
Sharp’s institute has been active in Burma since 1989, just after the
regime massacred some 3000 protestors to silence the opposition. CIA
special operative and former US Military Attache in Rangoon, Col. Robert
Helvey, an expert in clandestine operations, introduced Sharp to Burma
in 1989 to train the opposition there in non-violent strategy.
Interestingly, Sharp was also in China two weeks before the dramatic
events at Tiananmen Square.
Why
Myanmar now?
A
relevant question is why the US Government has such a keen interest in
fostering regime change in Myanmar at this juncture. We can dismiss
rather quickly the idea that it has genuine concern for democracy,
justice, human rights for the oppressed population there. Iraq and
Afghanistan are sufficient testimony to the fact Washington’s paean to
Democacy is propaganda cover for another agenda.
The
question is what would lead to such engagement in such a remote place as
Myanmar?
Geopolitical
control seems to be the answer. Control ultimately of the strategic sea
lanes from the Persian Gulf to the South China Sea. The coastline of
Myanmar provides naval access in the proximity of one of the world’s
most strategic water passages, the Strait of Malacca, the narrow ship
passage between Malaysia and Indonesia.
The
Pentagon has been trying to militarize the region since September 11,
2001 on the argument of defending against possible terrorist attack. The
US has managed to gain an airbase on Banda Aceh, the Sultan Iskandar
Muda Air Force Base, on the northernmost tip of Indonesia. The
governments of the region, including Myanmar, however, have adamantly
refused US efforts to militarize the region. A glance at a map will
confirm the strategic importance of Myanmar.
The
Strait of Malacca, linking the Indian and Pacific Oceans, is the
shortest sea route between the Persian Gulf and China. It is the key
chokepoint in Asia. More than 80% of all China’s oil imports are
shipped by tankers passing the Malacca Strait. The narrowest point is
the Phillips Channel in the Singapore Strait, only 1.5 miles wide at its
narrowest. Daily more than 12 million barrels in oil supertankers pass
through this narrow passage, most en route to the world’s
fastest-growing energy market, China or to Japan.
If
the strait were closed, nearly half of the world's tanker fleet would be
required to sail further. Closure would immediately raise freight rates
worldwide. More than 50,000 vessels per year transit the Strait of
Malacca. The region from Maynmar to Banda Aceh in Indonesia is fast
becoming one of the world’s most strategic chokepoints. Who controls
those waters controls China’s energy supplies.

That
strategic importance of Myanmar has not been lost on Beijing.
Since
it became clear to China that the US was hell-bent on a unilateral
militarization of the Middle East oil fields in 2003, Beijing has
stepped up its engagement in Myanmar. Chinese energy and military
security, not human rights concerns drive their policy.
In
recent years Beijing has poured billions of dollars in military
assistance into Myanmar, including fighter, ground-attack and transport
aircraft; tanks and armored personnel carriers; naval vessels and
surface-to-air missiles. China has built up Myanmar railroads and roads
and won permission to station its troops in Myanmar. China, according to
Indian defense sources, has also built a large electronic surveillance
facility on Myanmar’s Coco Islands and is building naval bases for
access to the Indian Ocean.
In
fact Myanmar is an integral part of what China terms its “string of
pearls,” its strategic design of establishing military bases in
Myanmar, Thailand and Cambodia in order to counter US control over the
Strait of Malacca chokepoint. There is also energy on and offshore of
Myanmar, and lots of it.
The
gas fields of Myanmar
Oil
and gas have been produced in Myanmar since the British set up the
Rangoon Oil Company in 1871, later renamed Burmah Oil Co. The country
has produced natural gas since the 1970’s, and in the 1990’s it
granted gas concessions to the foreign companies ElfTotal of France and
Premier Oil of the UK in the Gulf of Martaban. Later Texaco and Unocal
(now Chevron) won concessions at Yadana and Yetagun as well. Alone
Yadana has an estimated gas reserve of more than 5 trillion cubic feet
with an expected life of at least 30 years. Yetagun is estimated to have
about a third the gas of the Yadana field.
In
2004 a large new gas field, Shwe field, off the coast of Arakan was
discovered.
By
2002 both Texaco and Premier Oil withdrew from the Yetagun project
following UK government and NGO pressure. Malaysia’s Petronas bought
Premier’s 27% stake. By 2004 Myanmar was exporting Yadana gas via
pipeline to Thailand worth annually $1 billion to the Myanmar
regime.
In
2005 China, Thailand and South Korea invested in expanding the Myanmar
oil and gas sector, with export of gas to Thailand rising 50%. Gas
export today is Myanmar’s most important source of income. Yadana was
developed jointly by ElfTotal, Unocal, PTT-EP of Thailand and
Myanmar’s state MOGE, operated by the French ElfTotal. Yadana supplies
some 20% of Thai natural gas needs.
Today
the Yetagun field is operated by Malaysia’s Petronas along with MOGE
and Japan’s Nippon Oil and PTT-EP. The gas is piped onshore where it
links to the Yadana pipeline. Gas from the Shwe field is to come online
beginning 2009. China and India have been in strong contention over the
Shwe gas field reserves.
India
loses, China wins
This
past summer Myanmar signed a Memorandum of Understanding with PetroChina
to supply large volumes of natural gas from reserves of the Shwe
gasfield in the Bay of Bengal. The contract runs for 30 years. India was
the main loser. Myanmar had earlier given India a major stake in two
offshore blocks to develop gas to have been transmitted via pipeline
through Bangladesh to India’s energy-hungry economy. Political
bickering between India and Bangladesh brought the Indian plans to a
standstill.
China
took advantage of the stalemate. China simply trumped India with an
offer to invest billions in building a strategic China-Myanmar oil and
gas pipeline across Myanmar from Myanmar’s deepwater port at Sittwe in
the Bay of Bengal to Kunming in China’s Yunnan Province, a stretch of
more than 2,300 kilometers. China plans an oil refinery in Kumming as
well.
What
the Myanmar-China pipelines will allow is routing of oil and gas from
Africa (Sudan among other sources) and the Middle East (Iran, Saudi
Arabia) independent of dependence on the vulnerable chokepoint of the
Malacca Strait. Myanmar becomes China’s “bridge” linking
Bangladesh and countries westward to the China mainland independent of
any possible future moves by Washington to control the strait.
India’s
dangerous alliance shift
It’s
no wonder that China is taking such precautions. Ever since the Bush
Administration decided in 2005 to recruit India to the Pentagon’s
‘New Framework for US-India Defense Relations,’India has been pushed
into a strategic alliance with Washington in order to counter China in
Asia.
In
an October 2002 Pentagon report, ‘The
Indo-US Military Relationship,’ the Office of Net Assessments
stated the reason for the India-USA defense alliance would be to have a
‘capable partner’ who can take on ‘more responsibility for low-end
operations’ in Asia, provide new training opportunities and
‘ultimately provide basing and access for US power projection.’
Washington is also quietly negotiating a base on Indian territory, a
severe violation of Indi’s traditional non-aligned status.
Power
projection against whom? China, perhaps?
As
well, the Bush Administration has offered India to lift its 30 year
nuclear sanctions and to sell advanced US nuclear technology,
legitimizing India’s open violation of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty, at the same time Washington accuses Iran of violating same, an
exercise in political hypocrisy to say the least.
Notably,
just as the Saffron-robed monks of Myanmar took to the streets, the
Pentagon opened joint US-Indian joint naval exercises, Malabar
07, along with armed forces from Australia, Japan and Singapore. The
US showed the awesome muscle of its 7th Fleet, deploying the
aircraft carriers USS Nimitz and USS Kitty Hawk; guided missile cruisers
USS Cowpens and USS Princeton and no less than five guided missile
destroyers.
US-backed
regime change in Myanmar together with Washington’s growing military
power projection via India and other allies in the region is clearly a
factor in Beijing’s policy vis-à-vis Myanmar’s present military
junta. As is often the case these days, from Darfur to Caracas to
Rangoon, the rallying call of Washington for democracy ought to be
tasted with at least a grain of good salt.

© 2007 F.
William Engdahl
Editorial Archive
F.
William Engdahl
is author of the book, ‘A Century of War: Anglo-American
Oil Politics and the New World Order,’ Pluto Press Ltd. He has a
soon-to-be published book on GMO titled, ‘Seeds of Destruction: The
Hidden Political Agenda Behind GMO’. He may be contacted through his
website, www.engdahl.oilgeopolitics.net.
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