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OPENING
UP
by Roger Conrad
Editor, Utility &
Income
December 2, 2007
Aren’t you glad you own essential service
stocks? Despite one of the most volatile, fear-driven markets in memory,
shares of top-quality power, gas, water and communications companies are
decidedly holding their own. In fact, even as the big cap averages have
slid in recent weeks, the utility averages are again near all-time
highs.
Essential service companies’ advantage is simply that what they
provide is critical to a functioning America. Anxiety-ridden consumers
will cut back on gift-giving, postpone the purchase of an appliance or
car or cancel a vacation. But they’ll still pay their power, water and
heating bills, and just try to take away their cell phones and laptops!
In other words, no matter how bad things get in the general economy,
utilities always make it. For investors, they keep paying their
dividends, and their stocks hold value better than almost anything else.
The flipside of operating an essential service business is regulation.
Usually, the relationship works cooperatively. In the case of rate
base-oriented businesses—such as water, gas and electricity
distribution—that means investment in infrastructure is rewarded with
a fair return. That’s basically to keep from adjusting monopoly
customer rates.
In the case of nonrate-based, nonmonopoly businesses such as
communications, energy production and increasingly, power generation,
regulators don’t set rates. Rather, they set the rules of the road
under which these industries operate.
Regulation tends to go through cycles. In the early days of essential
services, power, communications and water had the best of all worlds.
Not only were they iron-clad monopolies, but they were allowed to
operate pretty much however they wished.
This was in large part because of their need for growth and expansion.
AT&T, for example, was granted a monopoly in 1908 largely because
that was perceived by trust-busting President Theodore Roosevelt as the
only way the country would be completely wired.
For the power industry, the era of monopoly laissez faire ended with the
Great Depression, when the Public Utility Holding Company Act of 1935
broke up what had become a de facto, countrywide monopoly owned by JP
Morgan. On the operating level, however, regulators remained very
supportive as power companies continued to build out infrastructure.
The utility/regulator relationship shifted dramatically for the worse in
the 1970s and ’80s. Rising costs for building infrastructure and
inflation pushed up rates at the same time corporate America began to
encounter lower cost competition, particularly in manufacturing. The
result was a wave of cost disallowances in the power sector and finally
an attempt to break up essential service monopolies in everything from
communications to power.
The ENRON and WORLDCOM bankruptcies—and
subsequent sectorwide meltdowns in power and communications early this
decade—triggered yet another dramatic turn in utility/regulator
relations. For the past five years, regulators nationwide have supported
the restoration of essential service companies’ financial health,
helping them reduce the leverage and business risk taken on during the
’90s.
Now, however, the relationship is entering a new phase, as these
industries ponder a post-deregulation future. The biggest question is
how to pay for trillions of dollars in new infrastructure investment, at
a time when costs of raw materials are skyrocketing around the world.
If regulators and utilities work together well, the new spending will
benefit consumers with increased reliability and ultimately lower costs.
Companies and their investors will realize higher earnings and
dividends. In places where the relationship turns acrimonious, however,
reliability will suffer, costs will rise and utility investors will see
their dividends cut and stocks sink.
The bottom line: Even as we utility and essential service stock
investors enjoy another strong year, it’s increasingly important to
monitor regulation. Where it’s good, there are more good times ahead.
When it turns ugly, however, we want to be out.
BIG MOVES
Usually, regulation moves at a glacial pace. Sometimes, however, events
occur that can really shake things up. Amazing, two such potential
earth-movers occurred this week in the communications industry.
The one that generated the most industry press was VERIZON
COMMUNICATIONS’ decision to open its wireless network to devices other
than the phones sold in its stores. Specifically, the company promised
to issue guidelines early next year to manufacturers with the goal of
opening up its network by the second half of 2008.
There are limits to the opening. Mainly, it will only apply to devices
that are compatible with Verizon’s network, which runs on CDMA rather
than the GSM technology used by rival AT&T and most networks
globally. That will become less of a problem when Verizon and its
partner VODAFONE move to their next-generation network, which also
promises to unify their systems globally.
It does, for the moment at least, exclude the popular iPhone from the
mix. Devices will also have to be tested in a Verizon lab in order to
ensure they work on the network.
The move, however, is an abrupt reversal from management’s previous
position to resist opening its network. And it raises several important
questions. First, from the standpoint of Verizon shareholders such as
myself, is this a good move for the company? Second, how much will this
move shape the industry?
Since telecom deregulation became law in 1996, Verizon’s management
has made all the right moves in a very challenging environment. The end
result has been to convert what was basically a regional, copper-wire,
former monopoly into a global powerhouse with leading positions in
wireless and business communications and a budding broadband network (FiOS)
that’s threatening to take the country by storm.
Along the way, the company has beaten back a wide range of upstarts,
from competitive local exchange carriers to Voice over Internet Protocol
service providers, all of which were heavily financed by hundreds of
billions of dollars in Wall Street money that ultimately evaporated. It
also defeated and absorbed long-distance giant MCI COMMUNICATIONS, which
was long viewed as a threat to subsume its entire business.
Given this track record, I’m inclined to believe management has
calculated this is in the company’s best interest. That’s also at
least the early consensus on Wall Street, as the shares have acted well
in the wake of the announcement.
The range of discussion of Verizon’s move has, of course, been
extremely varied thus far. Some have gone so far as to declare it
“caving in” to the power of GOOGLE, which has been threatening to
build its own wireless network to compete with existing providers.
The giant Web company has definitely been putting its financial and
market muscle to work lately, lobbying the US Congress and the Federal
Communications Commission (FCC) to order service providers to open their
networks under so-called “network neutrality” legislation. To date,
Congress has refused to act on this, with a majority of both Republicans
and Democrats opposed.
FCC Chairman Kevin Martin, however, has picked up the cause of opening
wireless networks to different devices. His biggest move to date has
been setting the rules of an upcoming wireless spectrum auction to
reserve a portion for providers pledging such open access.
Verizon had long battled the chairman’s decision and had been
attempting to convince legislators and the other commissioners to oppose
it, on the grounds that it was too regulatory. This week’s move is a
sharp reversal from that position and almost certainly indicates the
company concluded its argument was unwinnable.
Caving in, however, clearly has its advantages. First, it allows Verizon
to bid all-out for the entire spectrum in the auction, including that
reserved for open access. We won’t know the results of the bidding
until early next year.
At the very least, Verizon has dramatically upped its odds of a huge
success, which would all but eliminate the possibility of a new rival
wireless network outside the existing providers. That will keep profit
margins firm for network owners like Verizon.
Google had previously announced it would set aside $4.6 billion to bid
on spectrum. With Verizon bidding against it, however, that money
won’t go nearly as far as it would have with Verizon out. If AT&T
and SPRINT NEXTEL CORP relent and decide to open their networks, the
competition would get fiercer still, further diminishing the prospects
that Google would walk away with anything workable.
Trying to guess what a company’s management will do, of course,
requires a certain level of clairvoyancy and mind-reading ability I
don’t possess. But there are some indications that Google may have
already gotten what it wanted on the open-access question.
It may still bid for spectrum, which is an increasingly valuable
commodity in its own right. But there’s definitely an argument that it
won’t go full-out and try to build its own network. Mainly, an open
Verizon combined with its own “free handsets” alliance would give it
the ability to accomplish what it wants in advertising and equipment,
without the hassles of owning and operating its own network, which have
tripped up many before it.
Obviously, nothing comes without a cost. In this case, Verizon will
almost surely lose some sales on the device front. It also loses some
control over what happens on its network long term as equipment
providers drive consumer demand with the latest shiny objects.
On the other hand, what has it really lost? In Asian countries, open
networks have led to a system where consumers shop for cell phones as
they would television sets. Network providers such as NT&T DOCOMO
still sell phones, usually at heavily subsidized rates financed by
higher service fees, though regulators are studying completely
separating these businesses. Wireless in Asia, however, is still a
highly profitable business, as providers such as SINGAPORE TELECOM,
Vodafone and even DoCoMo are demonstrating.
To date, Verizon and the other major US carriers have heavily subsidized
equipment sales and made up for it by requiring users to sign service
contracts. Under the company’s new model, it would still do this,
though it would be allowing other devices it didn’t sell on the
network as well.
Rather than the Asian model, however, Verizon Wireless’ evolution is
more likely to follow the European model—which, incidentally, 45
percent owner Vodafone is intimately familiar with. In contrast to Asia,
most European consumers continue to buy subsidized phones from their
providers. That’s partly to avoid the hassle of buying a phone and
contracting service from two separate companies. But it’s also because
of sticker shock because the price of the latest technology never comes
cheap.
As for upside, allowing other devices definitely makes Verizon’s
network a more complete product. It will very likely ensure against
defections to other networks, keeping Verizon Wireless’ churn rate
low.
And it increases long-run competitiveness by bringing Verizon much
closer to the way the rest of the world does business. That’s
increasingly important to keeping the company ahead of the game in the
exploding global wireless data market, particularly for business
customers.
The biggest benefit to Verizon from this move, however, will almost
surely be regulatory. Not only has the company won the praise of Kevin
Martin and the FCC. But it’s now well positioned no matter who wins
2008 national elections as a company committed to free markets and
consumer choice. That may be the biggest reason the stock market has
smiled on the move thus far.
Verizon’s move is in marked contrast to the other major regulatory
development in communications this week: the apparent victory of cable
television companies over Martin in his attempt to increase oversight of
their market and provide greater consumer choice.
Alleging that the cable industry had met the so-called “70-70”
threshold, the chairman argued the FCC should now be given more
authority to regulate the likes of COMCAST CORP and TIME WARNER under a
1984 law setting a broad mandate for more diversity and competition in
cable. The basis was a recent study stating more than 70 percent of US
households have access to at least 36 cable channels and that more than
70 percent of those homes subscribe to a service.
The cable industry’s reaction was immediate and vehement and
demonstrates its substantial lobbying power in Washington and Wall
Street as well. The government campaign centered on casting doubt on the
70-70 claim, with the industry purporting only 54 percent of households
with access to cable as subscribers. In New York, the theme was best
echoed in a “Wall Street Journal” editorial, which decried the
FCC’s attempt to overregulate and attacked Kevin Martin personally.
The result was the cable industry appears to have gotten what it wanted.
This week, Chairman Martin announced he was delaying a vote on the cable
regulation measure, a tacit admission that he didn’t have the votes
for passage. For the moment at least, cable companies will face no
additional requirements to, for example, offer channels on an a la carte
basis.
In my view, however, this may come to be viewed as something of a
pyrrhic victory. For one thing, changes in cable regulation under
Chairman Martin are certain to be far more benign than under a
prospective chairman appointed by a potential Democratic president.
And these questions of a la carte pricing and other regulations aren’t
going away, particularly with cable providers continuing to raise
service fees above the rate of inflation to boost already hefty cash
flows. It’s quite possible the cable industry will be facing a far
more interventionist-minded FCC in 2009 with far more punitive ideas on
how to settle these questions.
This is also a marketing and regulatory club in the hands of broadband
service providers now offering competing cable service, especially
Verizon, thanks to its opening move in wireless. And it reinforces
cable’s image as a greedy, mostly family-owned monopoly, unwilling to
give up any power even in the face of unprecedented prosperity.
I’m one who believes both Big Cable and Big Telecom are going to be
extremely profitable in coming years by dominating the fast-growing
communications industry. And I wholly reject the idea of a cable/phone
death match, from which there are no winners and only survivors.
The fact that the industry ran such a scorched earth campaign on this
issue, however, isn’t an encouraging sign for its long-run health. The
tenor of the campaign may be more a matter of the politicians they hired
to run their lobbying effort than management’s real intentions.
I’m still going to make my buy/hold/sell decisions in this industry
based on the numbers. Moreover, cable stocks—particularly
Comcast—are very cheap now. But this is one industry that’s going to
ultimately have to adapt.
SAME OLD STORY
“It’s such a completely different story than last night” was the
quote from one Wall Street analyst Thursday morning. The reference was
to an explosion in a critical US/Canada pipeline that triggered a sharp
surge in oil prices after a two-day decline.
In one sense, the analyst was right. In a volatile market like this,
investor psychology can and often does turn on a dime. Over and again in
the past few weeks, we’ve seen morning rallies turn into afternoon
selloffs and vice versa.
For many of the institutions that rule Wall Street, long term is a week
at most. And very long term is the end of the year, when benchmarks for
bonuses must be met.
In reality, however, the week’s market action for oil is just another
chapter in the same old story that’s been playing out since oil
bottomed under $10 a barrel in the late ’90s. This particular incident
may have only a temporary impact on the energy markets. In fact, before
Thursday noon, oil had given back much of its initial gain on the
announcement most of the pipes were open again.
But the market’s reaction is a pretty firm confirmation that supplies
are tight and the energy bull market is still alive and well. Recession
or recovery, it almost certainly has at least several more years to run.
The key lies in the nature of event risk. Every commodity is always in
danger of supply disruptions from any number of sources. But it’s only
when markets are particularly tight that there’s really an impact on
price.
Much of the press attention tends to focus on politically motivated
interruptions. The most notable of these was the Arab Oil Embargo of the
early ’70s, during which a massive spike in oil prices served notice
that Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC)—not the
West—was in control of global supplies.
Over the past few years, of course, we’ve seen the rise of resource
nationalism: countries trying to take a bigger cut of the resource
output going on inside their borders. Few, if any, are following the
model of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, in which the government has combined
anti-investor rhetoric with steady encroachment on property rights to
create a highly uncertain climate for investment. But many are raising
the rent by hiking royalties, even Alberta, Canada.
As the example of the ’70s showed, the longer a bull market in
resources lasts, the more tempting it is for governments to grab for a
bigger slice. Often, it’s been by necessity because governments have
tended to overspend oil revenues in good times and are forced to look
for other sources of cash to stay in power. But whatever the motivation,
the result is increased chance of supply disruptions, either from
inadequate investment or government attempts to throw their weight
around.
In my view, over the next several years, oil supply disruptions due to
natural and manmade disasters will be even more likely than political
ones. That’s in large part because producers have had to go to
ever-more remote places to meet rising demand. But it’s also
because—as demonstrated by the pipeline explosion this week—key
infrastructure is aging.
Pipelines and other energy infrastructure will require an enormous
investment in new facilities to meet demand in coming years. This will
generally add to earnings for those who own it, which increasingly are
limited partnerships (LP) such as ENTERPRISE PRODUCTS PARTNERS and
KINDER MORGAN ENERGY PARTNERS.
Pipelines, processing plants and storage facilities, however, aren’t
in a regulated rate base. Rather, owners earn rents for their use by
locking them in under long-term contracts. As a result, new investment
in these old pipes to keep them running—so-called maintenance capital
spending—generally takes away from profits, namely the cash flows used
to pay the distributions that make LPs so attractive.
Periodically, concerns are voiced by public health and safety advocates
that much of the country’s energy infrastructure is in a state of
decay. During the Bush administration, these worries have generally been
soft-pedaled.
A new government in Washington, however, may take a considerably more
proactive view and force change. That’s a substantial future concern
for LPs invested in energy infrastructure and a good reason to be a very
selective shopper in that sector.
The bottom line is that supply disruptions are likely to remain a
serious threat in energy markets for some time. In fact, with storms,
droughts and floods becoming increasingly frequent and severe throughout
the world, they’re likely to get a great deal worse.
Even that, however, is only half the story. It’s really timing that
makes this issue critical. During the ’90s, for example, there were
energy supply disruptions for a number of reasons. But with the
exception of the 1990-91 Iraq War—when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait
and the US responded—none were really of consequence.
Flush in excess capacity and with consumers firmly in control of the
market, the effect of these interruptions was decidedly temporary.
Prices resumed their downward course when the crisis passed.
In contrast, supply disruptions this decade have routinely been severe.
The reason: Supplies are tight, and producers are in control of the
market. Every interruption, therefore, has consequences.
To date, hurricanes Katrina and Rita in 2005 have been the supply
disruptions with the greatest impact, particularly for natural gas. But
the market reaction to this week’s pipeline explosion is a clear sign
the same dynamics are still in place.
Basically, event risk at this point is all on the side of the bulls.
That’s true even with the global economy currently threatened by a
recession, triggered by still-mounting losses from greedy, incompetent,
subprime lending practices and an ensuing credit crunch.
Energy stocks have been generally battered in recent weeks by worries
about recession, some more than others. I’d be the first to admit
there’s plenty of junk out there, and weaker players are very much at
risk to a drop in prices should recession fears become reality.
On the other hand, the long-term bull market is intact. And most
producers have been selling oil $20 to $30 per barrel below the recent
trading range in the $90s.
Even if oil does fall back to that range,
their cash flows won’t suffer. And if it doesn’t, all that money
that’s gone to the sidelines lately will be coming back into their
shares with a vengeance, and prices are going a lot higher.
One group that looks particularly interesting is the highest-quality
Canadian oil and gas producer trusts. For well more than a year now,
these have been pricing in the impact of the Canadian government’s
plan to tax them as corporations starting in 2011.
They’ve been hit hard by recession fears, as investors have worried
about Canadian banks’ willingness to lend and the impact of lower oil
and gas prices on cash flows and distributions. Dividend cuts among
weaker players have further added to the damage.
The reality, however, is the best of this bunch are now yielding
anywhere from 12 to 15 percent and sell for half the book value multiple
of other energy companies. In addition, cash flow from trusts such as
ARC ENERGY TRUST, ENERPLUS RESOURCES and PENN WEST ENERGY TRUST covered
distributions comfortably in the third quarter of 2007 by selling oil at
$60 to $70 a barrel. And based on the action thus far, no one is having
trouble lending to them.
With costs leveling off, they’ll be able to keep covering dividends
comfortably, even if oil revisits that low level in 2008. And if oil
surprises and doesn’t break down, cash flows will surge to the upside
and likely will bring distributions along with them. Even natural gas
may provide a boost with prices firming.
Of course, almost any energy stock worth its salt should make money over
the next 12 to 18 months if I’m half right about the bull market. We
may see more downside in the near term, particularly if a global
recession carries oil down to the $60 to $70 range. But with energy
stocks in general no where close to reflecting the current value of what
they produce, the risks are low.
With most companies selling at that price level now, anyway, earnings
won’t be much affected. And event risk is all on our side.

© 2007 Roger Conrad
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