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WORLD
WAR III?
by Martin D.
Weiss, Ph.D.
Editor, Safe Money
Report & MoneyandMarkets.com
July 31, 2006
Not long before Dad
passed away, we walked in the fields near my home in Florida, debating
the likelihood of another world war.
I said it was highly
unlikely. The Cold War proved that weapons of mass destruction were a
great deterrent. And even the Cold War was over.
He argued that the
Middle East crisis had never been resolved, that it was the epicenter of
hatred throughout the Muslim world, stretching from North Africa to East
Asia.
He did not expect the
kind of World War III that we used to fear in the 1950s. But he said
he’d be surprised if the world could avoid a low-level world war
spreading from region to region.
I tried to dissuade
him of that notion. But now it looks like I was wrong and he was right.
Recently, I took
another walk, this time by myself. I was in downtown Manhattan, at
Ground Zero.
The walk around the
cavity is about 12 city blocks. Stopping and starting, it took me about
20 minutes, prompting some thoughts I want to share with you now.
Unfinished
Wars
On Church Street, to
the east of the cavity, I stop briefly before the WTC Memorial, and I
remember the first weeks after 9/11.
That’s when the
Taliban in Afghanistan was defiantly refusing to turn over Osama bin
Laden. So the U.S. began air strikes against Afghan military
installations and terrorist training camps.
Just
three months later, the Taliban regime collapsed and its troops fled
their last stronghold in the southern city of Kandahar.
Everyone thought that
was the end. It was over. We won. But they thought wrong.
Now, here we are,
five years later. The Afghan war is far from over. Three new wars have
begun. Several more are on the immediate horizon.
Even at this very
moment, critical events are taking place that could accelerate the pace
of change:
Afghanistan:
Right now, it’s close to 8 a.m. in the East, 4
p.m. in Afghanistan, Monday, July 31. NATO troops are in the process of
taking over security in the south from the U.S.-led coalition.
But the timing is
terrible: The region is going through its bloodiest phase of violence
since the fall of the Taliban in 2001.
Just last week,
hundreds of Taliban fighters attacked a western Afghan government
building with rocket-propelled grenades and machine guns in one of their
boldest strikes ever.
Just yesterday,
Taliban insurgents threatened to kill an engineer captured in the south.
The
new NATO commander, Lt. Gen. David Richards, thinks he has a solution.
On Saturday he announced he’s going to do more than just target the
Taliban. He says he’s also going after the powerful warlords running
the lucrative opium trade.
Problem: NATO has
only 9,000 troops to cover rugged mountain terrain the size of Texas.
By contrast, when the
Soviets invaded and occupied Afghanistan in the 1980s, they used over
500,000 troops. Their death toll alone — more than 15,000 — was far
more than the total number of NATO troops deployed in
the country today. And still, the Taliban ultimately won.
Iraq:
The Pentagon has just extended the tour of 4,000
U.S. troops, expanding the total number in Iraq. But now the troops have
a new, far tougher mission:
Instead of just
putting down an insurgency, they also have to stop a civil war. Instead
of fighting one amorphous enemy, they’re fighting many — jihadists,
Shiite militias and often, even corrupt government forces themselves.
Last week, Iraqi
Prime Minister Nouri Maliki told Congress that, if the U.S. loses in
Iraq, it will be a monumental victory for worldwide terrorism, an event
that could be tragic in its consequences.
What he failed to
mention, however, is the corollary tragedy: Even if the U.S. prevails in
Iraq, it could be a victory for Iran.
Reason: The U.S. has
little more than a short-term alliance with the Shiite leaders of Iraq,
based on convenience and expediency. In contrast, Iran has a long-term
alliance with the Shiite leaders, based on decades of mutual suffering
against Saddam ... long years of joint training exercises ... deeply
shared religious beliefs ... and intimate contacts that continue to this
very day.
Iran:
When most Americans see the news of war between
Lebanon and Israel, they still don’t make the connection to the
looming conflict with Iran. But others do.
In Tehran this
weekend, Iranian officials, former officials and analysts said a
conflict with the West is now so likely they’re deathly afraid to even
talk about it. Their interpretation: Israel’s war against the
Hezbollah in Lebanon is actually America’s first salvo in its coming
war against Iran.
The view coming out
of Washington this week is very similar, but in reverse: Hezbollah was
created by Iran, financed by Iran and armed by Iran. Hezbollah is
Iran’s front line. Ergo, Hezbollah’s incursion into Israel is
Iran’s way of attacking the West.
This is precisely
what I explained here last week. Connect the dots, and you’ll see
that, indirectly, Iran and U.S. are already at war.
Syria:
Last week, Syria warned it would not allow Israeli
planes to approach its borders, threatening to jump into the war if that
happened.
But this weekend,
Israel bombed targets less than one mile from the Syrian border,
destroying the Lebanese immigration office building.
Syrian forces have
already been put onto their highest state of alert. Israel has called up
15,000 reservists that could be dispatched as reinforcements to the
Golan Heights, disputed between the two countries.
Rockets made in Syria
have been discovered among the many fired into Israel. Anger is at the
boiling point. Despite diplomatic efforts by Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice, Israel and Syria are edging closer to direct military
conflict.
Other
possible wars and revolutions. Oil-rich Saudi
Arabia, a staunch supporter of the Sunnis in Iraq, could be dragged into
the conflict. Turkey, an avowed enemy of the Kurds in Iraq, has sworn to
send in troops just as soon as Iraqi Kurdistan splits away from Iraq.
Central Asia is a
powder keg, including not only Chechnya, which has been decimated by two
wars, but also the former Soviet Republics of Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan,
Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kazakhstan. India and Pakistan are on the
brink. North African nations are also shaky.
Wall
Street Oblivious
To the Real Dangers
I walk down Vesey
Street and stop again to peer into the deep pit. Its depth never ceases
to amaze me.
Its proximity to the
world’s financial core is also impossible to ignore — the New York
Stock Exchange just a few blocks away ... the American Exchange even
closer ... the New York Mercantile Exchange where energy futures are
traded ... the Nasdaq everywhere and nowhere ... the U.S. government
securities markets also scattered in many locations.
But strangely, on
Friday, investors in most of these markets celebrated.
They seemed to be
happy that U.S. the economy has slowed down. They didn’t seem to care
about the causes — the fact that the economy is choking on higher
interest rates and feeling the pinch of surging fuel costs.
Instead, these
investors think the bad news is actually “good news.” Because, they
say, it should prompt Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke and his cohorts to be
more merciful when they meet on August 8 ... maybe to even leave
interest rates unchanged for a change.
Ironic, isn’t it?
The WTC Memorial is
just down the street. And from the Memorial, it doesn’t take a great
leap of logic to connect the dots to the wars raging in the Persian Gulf
and the Middle East ... to surging energy prices ... to the main reason why
interest rates are rising ... to the main reason why the
U.S. economy is slowing ... and to the threat of still more oil
price surges and still more rate hikes ahead.
Yet, investors still
don’t get it. They buy what they should sell; shun what they should
buy.
Until recently, I
could understand the disconnect. Many of the conflicts seemed subdued or
suppressed. Or they simply failed to rise to a level of significance
that might dent the powerful economic growth engines of the industrial
world.
But now, all that’s
changing. Now, the conflicts are approaching critical mass, with a far
greater impact on our economy and on our daily life than anyone dreamed
possible a year or two ago.
So no matter how
tired you may be of the drumbeat of CNN or Fox News night after night,
you can ignore this danger no more. You must sit up, listen and
recognize it for what it really is: Not just a worldwide war on terror
... but also, potentially,
A
Low-Level
World War III
I’m referring to a
worldwide war on terrorism combined with spreading regional wars like
we’ve seen in Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Palestine and Lebanon.
Most people,
including many experts in many governments, think about these far-away
conflicts in just one dimension: Radical Muslim movements; anti-American
or anti-Western violence.
In reality, they stem
from multi-dimensional, multi-cultural fissures, and many of these
fissures have already ruptured ... or seem about to do so soon.
The most critical
fissure is economic. With a few notable
exceptions, corrupt, filthy-rich despots, monopolists and oligarchs
control most of the wealth in the Muslim world.
Even in the richest
of them all, Saudi Arabia, thousands of royal princes have a lock hold
on the most strategic positions in government, commerce and industry.
At the same time,
throughout these regions, desperate, downtrodden urban and rural poor
have little or no access to adequate housing and modern sanitation —
let alone good health care or education.
The second fissure is
ethnic. Within the Muslim world, wealth and
power is typically controlled by the Sunnis, the majority sect; while
the poor and powerless are more numerous among the minority sect, the
Shiites.
Another major fissure
is cultural. The elites are modern and
Westernized. The masses are not. In a few countries, middle classes are
struggling to emerge, but in most areas, they are being squeezed, forced
to move out.
A fourth fissure is religious.
Islamic fundamentalists clash with more moderate Muslims, and both clash
with Christians, Jews, Hindus and others. Even as far East as the island
of Mindanao in the Philippines, Muslim fundamentalism is the primary
ideological tool used by militants and insurgents to recruit members.
The fifth is historical.
The protagonists trace their conflicts through millenniums of battles,
wars and massacres. Using a mix of historical fact, legend and myth,
they build a pseudo-moral case for revenge and martyrdom.
The sixth and most
frightening fissure is military. Virtually all
of the hot spots I’ve told you about are like armed camps. That
includes established regimes armed to the teeth. Plus it includes
ubiquitous stashes of dangerous weapons outside the control of the
authorities — in hideaways, places of worship, homes, even schools.
Dangerous
Alignment
A wind seems to blow
more strongly as I leave the protective barriers of Ground Zero behind
me. I remember that all these conflicts and fissures have been with us
for many years. So what has really changed?
It’s simply this:
In the past, each fissure was on a different plane, with differing
consequences, occurring at different times. Now, the globe seems to have
rotated in such a way that the fissures — and the anger they generate
— are coming into dangerous alignment.
Each of the lines of
conflict — the vast economic chasms, the deep cultural voids, the wide
political divisions, the die-hard religious and ethnic hatreds — are
coming into synch along one axis and with one by-product: violent
change.
With the war in Iraq
and the latest blow-up in the Middle East, radical movements are gaining
far more prestige, public support and financing. Moderate leaders,
meanwhile, are losing public support, even becoming a laughing stock.
The impact is
self-evident:
First,
more inflation. The global conflicts will inevitably
disrupt supplies of critical commodities.
Already
oil pipelines are being blown up almost daily.
Already, as I showed
you last week, even before any significant supply disruptions, most
commodity prices have surged.
Reason: Governments
all over the world are pumping up the demand for commodities with
liberal doses of paper money.
One of the missing
elements in the inflation puzzle has been wage inflation. Wages were
mostly stable. So economists everywhere said inflation was not a
concern.
Now, however, wage
inflation is also beginning to kick in. We’ve seen a substantial
uptick in average salaries in the most recent government releases. And
in the next few days, Congress will approve a substantial hike in the
minimum wage.
Last week, the House
voted 230-180 to raise it by a whopping 41% from $5.15 an hour to $7.25
by mid-2009. It’s long overdue for the poor. But it’s too much too
soon for an economy that’s already suffering from a sinking dollar and
out-of-control commodity prices.
Result: Despite the
slowdown in the economy, inflation will continue to get worse.
Second,
stronger energy stocks. You saw the blow-out
earnings. You saw the energy stocks turn sharply higher last week. And
you can see that nothing in the long, 3-year-plus trend has changed.
This is exactly what we’ve been saying would happen all along. Now
it’s moving along according to script.
Third,
higher interest rates. If the Fed doesn’t raise
interest rates on August 8, it will send a message to the world that
it’s not serious about inflation after all. Foreign investors will
dump they U.S. dollar. They’ll dump U.S. bonds. And that alone will
drive up interest rates regardless of the Fed.
That’s the main
reason I think the Fed will raise rates. Fed Chairman
Bernanke has already lost credibility by not acting more firmly against
inflation a lot sooner. If he wimps out come August 8, he’ll fall even
further behind the curve. And later, he’ll be forced to raise rates
that much more.
Fourth,
major bear markets in key industry sectors. Housing
and construction companies. Mortgage lenders. Retail chains.
The silver lining:
Higher interest rates also give you the opportunity to earn higher
yields — provided you build your savings and you don’t make the
mistake of locking in still-low interest rates.
So keep a big portion
of your money safe. Stay liquid and flexible. And be healthy.
Martin
Weiss,
Ph.D.
Editor, Safe Money Report
support@martinweiss.com

© 2006 Martin D. Weiss,
Ph.D.
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